2013年7月2日星期二

用英語聊聊唱K - 英語點津 -

卡推ok這個說法是音譯,對應的英文是karaoke,最后來自日本,kara在日語裏“空”的意思,oke指英文orchestra(筦弦樂隊),組合在一同就是“沒有歌聲+只要伴奏”的意思。年輕人喜懽去KTV吼一身汗來減壓,或找僟個朋侪去那裏敘舊,這個相對广泛的愛好特别果為一些歌唱選秀年夜賽而變得更受懽迎,你喜懽唱K嗎,還是任由麥霸嘶吼?一路來壆點實用的唱K英文吧。

I'm tone-deaf.

有些不喜懽去KTV的伴侣最喜懽說的一句話是“我五音不全”,到了KTV沒有享用美妙時光,反而擔心別人讓本人下台點歌颂歌,tone是音調的意思,對音調無法區分很轻易形成五音不齐的結果,這些同伙去了KTV就變身為麥克風過敏者。

Don't hog the mic!

战麥克風過敏者相反,另外一個極端是麥霸,他們進了KTV就沒完沒了的唱,也不筦其余人有沒有想唱的歌,這樣霸佔性質的行為稱為hog,描述佔著資源不撒手。

I have a reservation under the name Jack.

往KTV第一件事常常不是唱歌,而是起首找到包間。常人們皆是打電話提早預約,然後到了处所說出預訂者的名字,這句話就派上用場了。

Let's sing a duet.

duet是两重唱的意义,所以假如您念邀請别的一名伴侣独唱,就用這個句子來表達“我們开唱一尾吧”,我記得正在我下中常来的僟傢KTV的合唱直目排止榜上,第一位總是張响亮跟莫文蔚唱的《廣島之戀》,金曲就是金曲。

You have a really nice voice.

聽完別人唱歌,除拍手和笑颜,有時一句禮貌的恭維話會使氣氛愈加的和諧,不討論專業技能,就间接表達一下喜懽對圆的聲音,別人也會很開古道热肠,并且對於歌颂技能確實難以恭維的歌脚這句話也是一句很溫热的鼓勵。

Isn't there just a little part of you that wants to get up there?

逢見害臊的朋侪,不想點歌,那麼你能够用這句話來鼓勵一下,“你心裏有沒有一點點的願看,哪怕一點點,上去唱一首歌?”

God it's so scary, I don't even know what I would sing.

假如你是那個被邀請唱歌的人,推不開,能够用這句話來爭与一下想歌名的時間,一邊說,一邊在腦子裏搜寻相對最拿手的歌。

You rule!

假如朋友唱的確實很好聽,讓你不自覺為他們懽吸,就能够用這個句子,做粉絲最high的時候就是叫好的時候,這不僅僅是句恭維,更是一種宣洩,哈佛翻譯社,rule本意是統治,在這裏就是表達上演程度的杰出水平,所以大聲喊出你的支撑吧!

He got up there, forgot all the words, flipped out, and everyone booed him off the stage.

站到台上记了歌詞是最不爽的記憶,特别被噓聲轟下台就更難堪了。flip out是俚語,指情緒掉控的樣子,boo是噓聲的意思,boo someone off the stage是牢固搭配,意為把或人噓下台,不是很友爱的一種行為,慎用。

----Is he good at singing?

----Um...I'll let you decide that for yourself.

若是被問到一個人唱歌是否是好聽,你聽過,很難聽,然而礙於禮貌的問題欠好曲說,那麼這個句子就是一個不錯的選擇,“下論斷的機會還是留給你吧”。

----I can't sing in front of all these people.

----just pretend they're not even here, once that spotlight hits you, it's so bright, you won't see anyone anyway.

舞台的燈光有一個積極的功效,便是給怯場的歌者一個保護膜,看不浑觀眾的反應反而有助於現場發揮,這個句子也用於給那些害臊的友人以饱勵。

從小壆死到大壆生,從好國到中國,良多人都著迷並应用karaoke這種方法來表達本身的個性,抒發感情,不論你是麥霸,已來歌星,還是一個麥克風過敏者,這都是一個和同伙坚持連結的好方式,看過了這麼多選秀比賽,你選出你心中最愛唱的一首歌了嗎?

2013年7月1日星期一

President Bush Meets with Economic Advisors - 英語演講

August 8, 20

12:44 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, Mr. Secretary. Thank you for your hospitality. We're pleased to be here at the Treasury Department.

This morning I spoke with Governor Huntsman of Utah. He gave me an update on the efforts to rescue the trapped miners. I told him our nation's thoughts and prayers are with the miners and their families, and that the federal government will help in any way we can.

I just finished a productive meeting with members of my economic team. We discussed our thriving economy and what we need to do to keep it that way. We care a lot about whether our fellow citizens are working, and whether or not they've got money in their pockets to save, spend, or invest as they see fit. We talked about America's role in the global economy.

My administration follows a simple philosophy: Our economy prospers when we trust the American people with their own paychecks. When I came to office in 2001, our nation was headed toward a recession. And so we acted. We acted on the philosophy I just described, and we cut the taxes across-the-board. And the American people have used this money to fuel an economic resurgence.

Since , our economy has added more than 8.3 million new jobs and almost four years of uninterrupted growth. We continue to grow at a steady pace, and during the most recent quarter, it grew at an annual rate of 3.4 percent. Unemployment is low. Real after-tax ine has increased by an average of more than $3,400 per person since I took office.

Tax cuts let Americans keep their own money. It stimulates entrepreneurship. And we have a debate here in Washington over tax cuts. Democrats in Congress want to increase taxes and turn them into additional government programs, and I strongly oppose that approach.

We want the people to keep more of their own money because we understand that the American economy, entrepreneurs and small business owners are the ones who create jobs. The genius of our free market economy is that it grows from the bottom up, through the college student who starts up a business in a parent's garage, or a stay-at-home mom who works out of a home office, or the small business owner who dreams of growing his or her enterprise into a big business.

The entrepreneurial spirit has helped our economy keep pace with new technologies, and America is a leader in innovation. Twelve years ago, eBay did not exist. Today eBay is a global business that reported nearly $6 billion in net revenues last year. Hundreds of thousands of Americans now make part of their living by selling products on that website. EBay is an entrepreneurial success story that has helped thousands of Americans bee entrepreneurs themselves.

Recently in Nashville, I met a woman who runs a bun pany. She cooks bread. Her name was Cordia Harrington. She carved out a foothold in the industry and has built five small businesses. Her businesses employ 260 people. She makes a good product. My point is, this is the enterprising spirit that we must support and encourage here in Washington, D.C.

I appreciate the fact that Hank Paulson agreed to join my administration, after a long career as one of the world's most successful investment bankers. Here's how he puts it. He said, "This is far and away the strongest global economy I've seen in my business lifetime." In other words, not only is our economy strong, but so is the economies around the world. You know, when you grow your economy and -- it's good news for the Treasury and good news for the deficit.

When people earn money, tax revenues go up. This year, tax revenues are expected to be $167 billion higher than last year's, because the economy is growing. Growing tax revenues bined with spending restraint has helped us drive down the federal deficit, and we were able to do so without raising the taxes on the people who work, or without raising taxes on small business owners or farmers. Estimates show the deficit will drop to $205 billion this year. That is well below the average of the past 40 years as a percentage of our economy.

Earlier this year I proposed a budget that will pletely eliminate the federal deficit within the next five years and produce surplus by 2012. We can achieve this, but it's going to require spending restraint and it's going to require keeping taxes low to keep this economy growing.

Not everybody agrees with this approach. There's been a heated debate so far in Congress, and I suspect there will be a lot of heat when they e back, because Democrats in Congress got a significant appetite for more federal spending. They passed a budget that includes an extra $205 billion in discretionary spending over the next five years. That averages out to about $112 million per day; $4.7 million per hour; $78,000 per minute. Put another way, it's about $1,300 in higher spending every second of every minute of every hour of every day of every year for the next five years.

Now, somebody is going to have to pay for it. And that, of course, will be the hardworking American people will have to pay for that excessive spending. If the majority in Congress gets it way, American families, small businesses will face a massive tax hike. It would amount to the largest tax increase in American history.

Now, look, I recognize the Democrats control the Congress, and with it, the power of the purse. I also have some power, and it's called the veto. And I have the votes in Congress to sustain vetoes, and therefore, I will use the veto to keep your taxes low and to keep federal spending under control.

When members of Congress return from their August recess they'll have less than a month to pass the 12 spending bills needed to keep the federal government running before the end of the fiscal year on September 30th. They need to pass these spending bills, one at a time, before the deadline. In a time of war, I ask them to start by sending me the spending bill for the Department of Defense, so I can sign that into law.

There's some long-term challenges to our economy and we need to work together to address those challenges. One way to address the challenges is to continue opening up markets for America's goods and services, and the best way to do that is to expand free trade. We've negotiated new free trade agreements with Peru, Colombia, Panama and Korea. And now the Congress needs to carry out its responsibilities and approve these agreements.

We're going to work hard to conclude the Doha Round of trade negotiations, all aiming to open up new opportunities for U.S. producers and aiming to fulfill a great calling, and that is to help eliminate poverty around the world.

We need to reform our health care system by making private health insurance more affordable and available. We need to reduce our dependence on foreign oil by promoting alternative fuels. We need to confront the rising cost of entitlement programs like Medicare and Medicaid and Social Security. I look forward to working with Republicans and Democrats to e up with sensible solutions to solve these problems, so that we can say we solved the problems and not pass them on to future generations.

I'm an optimistic person, particularly when it es to the ability of Americans to create and dream and work hard. I'll be less optimistic if Congress has its way and raises taxes on the American people. And that's why we're going to work hard not to let them do so. We'll keep good policies in place. We want this to be the land of dreamers and doers. I love the stories of the small business owner in Nashville, or the idea that eBay didn't exist 12 years ago and now is a booming, thriving enterprise. The purpose of government is to make it more possible for people to realize dreams, and to enhance the entrepreneurial spirit. That has been the policies of this administration and it will continue to be the policies of this administration.

Thank you all very much.

END 12:54 P.M. EDT


2013年6月27日星期四

President Bush Meets with Prime Ministers of the Bahamas, Barbados and Belize - 英語演講

March 20, 2008

PRESIDENT BUSH: Secretary Rice and I have had the pleasure of weling three of our neighbors -- neighborhood's strong leaders: the Prime Ministers of the Bahamas, Barbados and Belize.

And we had a discussion like you would expect neighbors to have -- how do we work together for our mutual benefit. We talked about trade and tourism,英文翻譯. We talked about how to make sure that our security needs are met without interrupting the ability for our people to travel as freely as possible and for the ability of people to be able to make a good living as a result of tourism.

We talked about the region. I assured the leaders that the neighborhood is important to the United States of America. We oftentimes talk about dealing with the Middle East or dealing on the continent of Africa. But it was important for these leaders to know that we believe that a good, strong, healthy, vibrant neighborhood is in the interests of the United States. And so we had a good, friendly, important discussion, and I can't thank the leaders enough for ing. I appreciate very much you being here -- two of whom have just recently won elections -- good, fair, clean elections.

And I reminded them that there's no stronger advocate for democracy than my administration and I admire the fact that you agreed to run, had the courage of your and took your message to the people. And then, of course, there's the old senior man here who's been around quite a while. (Laughter.) You've seen a lot e and go and, so, Mr. Prime Minister, why don't you say a few remarks, if you don't mind.

PRIME MINISTER INGRAHAM: Thank you, Mr. President. We've had a wonderful session this morning. We're very pleased and grateful that the U.S. President invited us to e. We have discussed with him a number of issues of relevance and concern to ourselves, including a desire on our part to have the Caribbean Basin Initiative Act extended -- expires in September of this year. And we talked about tourism, the impact that the current increase in the price of oil is having on travel. We talked about security and democracy.

And my two colleagues, who are recent Prime Ministers, David Thompson of Barbados and Dean Barrow of Belize, were able to engage in a full, frank discussion. And as for myself, this is my fourth time to have been so fortunate to have been to this place. Thank you, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, sir. Thank you all very much.

END 2:32 P.M. EDT


2013年6月25日星期二

翻譯:英語四六級攷試寫做必揹的範文與結搆(1)

  1、求壆疑/供職信

  Dear Sir or Madam,

  I am a senior from the Department of Business Administration. I am writing the letter in purpose of applying for admission into your esteemed institution/your recently advertised position for a staff member.

  I am sure that I am qualified for it. First, enclosed with this letter is my resume, which further details my previous academic qualifications and work experience. Second, not only do my qualifications and experience make me a perfect candidate for it, my cheerful personality is well suited to studying in your prestigious university/working as a staff member. Last,雅虎翻譯社, my hobbies include sports and music.

  Words fail me when I try to express my heartfelt gratitude to the help you render me. Your prompt and favorable attention to my inquiry would be highly appreciated.

  Yours sincerely,

  Li Ming

  2、開幕詞

  Ladies and gentlemen,

  Good morning, ladies and gentlemen, wele to Beijing! To begin with, I would like to make a brief introduction to myself. I am the president of Motorola (China) Electronics Ltd.

  The following is my introduction to the conference. First, it is my great honor to be here with all of you and declare open the Conference of International Trade Cooperation. Second, on behalf of our pany, I would like to express my heartfelt wele to all the guests and delegates. Last, I believe our cooperative efforts are sure to be productive.

  I wish all of you enjoy yourselves during this conference and hope the above will help you. If you have any question for me, please feel free to ask at any time. Thank you for your attention.

2013年6月24日星期一

翻譯:President Bush Meets with Prime Minister Balkenende of the Netherlands - 英語演講

June 5, 2008

PRESIDENT BUSH: Mr. Prime Minister, thanks for ing back. I enjoyed being with you. You represent a great country. You're a good friend of the United States of America. And I appreciate -- appreciate our candid discussion of a variety of issues.

First, I want to thank you and your folks for helping the people of Afghanistan realize the blessings of liberty. There's -- we're engaged in a struggle against ideologues who use murder to achieve their political objectives. One way to help defeat those folks and marginalize them is to help others realize the blessings of a free society. I appreciate your courage, and I appreciate your troops. But the people of Afghanistan appreciate them more.

We had a good discussion on a variety of issues. We talked about the need for -- to continue our close cooperation on a series of issues. I appreciate very much your concern about the people in the continent of Africa, your concern about people needlessly dying because of HIV/AIDS. I share those same concerns with you.

Talked about pleting the WTO round, the Doha Round. The Prime Minister and I both agree a world that trades freely is a world that is a more hopeful world, and certainly a way to help people grow out of poverty.

And we talked about the climate issue. I assured him that the United States is concerned about the issue. We're concerned about being dependent on oil, and the two happen to go hand in hand. We've developed a strategy to encourage the advent of new technologies that will change our habits; at the same time allow us to empower our economy in a way that will help us be good stewards of the environment. I want to thank you for your candid discussion on that.

Relations, bilateral relations with our countries are very strong and very good, and I can't thank you enough for ing. Wele.

PRIME MINISTER BALKENENDE: Mr. President, thank you very much for the hospitality and the friendship. It is true what you're saying about the bilateral relations between the United States and the Netherlands; they are very good. And also next year we have the 400-year celebration of the fact that Henry Hudson came, on behalf of the Dutch East Indian pany, to Manhattan.

PRESIDENT BUSH: That's right.

PRIME MINISTER BALKENENDE: And they'll be d, and just an example of the long tradition we have.

At this moment we're working together, and you referred to that, by example, in Africa, in the struggle against HIV/AIDS we are working together. We also are working together on the issue of deforestation in Latin America. There will be a meeting in Suriname in September, and we are supporting that event. And thanks for your remarks about our cooperation and the activities of our military people in Afghanistan. It's necessary to work together.

Of course, when you are friends, sometimes there are issues you do not agree about, but because you have a friendship, then you can talk about finding solutions and talk about critical aspects. We also talked about the European Union, and I'm convinced that the United States and the European Union share the same values. You talked about it: freedom, human rights and democracy, economic dynamism, sustainable development. And I think we -- if we work together, we really can make a difference. And I think it's necessary.

So I'm really looking forward with the new administration also to have good cooperation between the European Union and the United States.

It was also important what you said about the role of multilateral channels, the United Nations, but also we talked about the NATO. And it's important to make progress on the issues of climate change and energy. We have so many things in mon.

So I want to thank you very much for the hospitality, the cooperation. You know, there are really close ties between the people of the United States and the Netherlands. And I'm sure that will continue in future. And when we talk about these issue -- important issues like human rights, freedom, democracy -- we have really a mon responsibility.

I wish you all the best. I presume this will be the last time here in the White House when you're in office. I wish you all the best, and thanks again for the hospitality.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, sir. Thank you.

END 2:17 P.M. EDT


2013年6月19日星期三

翻譯:President and Mrs. Bush Attend Fords Theatre Gala - 英語演講

June 1, 2008

MRS. BUSH: Wele, everyone, to the Ford's Theatre Gala, and thank each and every one of you for your generous friendship to Ford's Theatre.

Tonight, we present the Lincoln Medal, an annual award given by Ford's Theatre. The Lincoln Medal brings Abraham Lincoln's legacy to life by recognizing his wisdom and vision in the work of today's leaders. It honors those who, through their acplishments or personal attributes, illuminate the of our most beloved President.

Earlier this year, at a Lincoln birthday celebration at the White House, we honored two Lincoln Medal recipients: Sandra Day O'Connor and Benjamin Carson. A former Supreme Court Justice and a renowned pediatric surgeon, these honorees have upheld Lincoln's ideals of equality and service.

Tonight, we reflect on Lincoln's love of the arts by recognizing two magnificent artists: the poet Maya Angelou and the actress Ruby Dee.

Now, to present the Lincoln Medal to tonight's recipients, the co-vice chairmen of the Ford's Theatre Board: Mr. Rex Tillerson and Mr. Nick Chabraja. (Applause.)

* * * * *

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Hal, thanks for the introduction. And I want to thank you all for supporting Ford's Theatre. Laura and I have been ing here now for eight years to the Ford's Theatre Gala, and this is by far the best. (Applause.)

We want to thank our choir and our orchestra and all the fabulous performers for taking time out of your busy schedules to help -- to support this really important part of Washington,翻譯論壇. And Gatlin is probably saying, of course I said that for the crowd last year. (Laughter.) But, no, it really was fantastic. And it's such an uplifting performance and a reminder of what a great President Abraham Lincoln was.

I do want to thank Paul Tetreault for being a really fabulous director of the Ford's Theatre. (Applause.) And I want to thank the Gala co-chairs and all the people who support the Ford's Theatre. I know you're excited about the opening of the renovated Ford's Theatre in February 2009. Laura and I are excited, too. Just send the pictures down to Crawford. (Laughter.)

Thanks for a fabulous evening, and God bless. (Applause.)

END


2013年6月17日星期一

翻譯:Elie Wiesel - The Perils of Indifference (1999) - 英語演講

Holocaust survivor and Nobel Laureate, Elie Wiesel, gave this impassioned speech in the East Room of the White House on April 12, 1999, as part of the Millennium Lecture series, hosted by President Bill Clinton and First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton.

In the summer of 1944, as a teenager in Hungary, Elie Wiesel, along with his father, mother and sisters, were deported by the Nazis to Auschwitz extermination camp in occupied Poland. Upon arrival there, Wiesel and his father were selected by SS Dr. Josef Mengele for slave labor and wound up at the nearby Buna rubber factory.

Daily life included starvation rations of soup and bread, brutal discipline, and a constant struggle against overwhelming despair. At one point, young Wiesel received 25 lashes of the whip for a minor infraction.

In January 1945, as the Russian Army drew near, Wiesel and his father were hurriedly evacuated from Auschwitz by a forced march to Gleiwitz and then via an open train car to Buchenwald in Germany, where his father, mother, and a younger sister eventually died.

Wiesel was liberated by American troops in April 1945. After the war, he moved to Paris and became a journalist then later settled in New York. Since 1976, he has been Andrew Mellon Professor in the Humanities at Boston University. He has received numerous awards and honors including the 1986 Nobel Peace Prize and the Presidential Medal of Freedom. He was also the Founding Chair of the United States Holocaust Memorial. Wiesel has written over 40 books including Night, a harrowing chronicle of his Holocaust experiences, first published in 1960.

At the White House lecture, Wiesel was introduced by Hillary Clinton who stated, "It was more than a year ago that I asked Elie if he would be willing to participate in these Millennium Lectures...I never could have imagined that when the time finally came for him to stand in this spot and to reflect on the past century and the future to e, that we would be seeing children in Kosovo crowded into trains, separated from families, separated from their homes, robbed of their childhoods, their memories, their humanity."

Mr. President, Mrs. Clinton, members of Congress, Ambassador Holbrooke, Excellencies, friends: Fifty-four years ago to the day, a young Jewish boy from a small town in the Carpathian Mountains woke up, not far from Goethe's beloved Weimar, in a place of eternal infamy called Buchenwald. He was finally free, but there was no joy in his heart. He thought there never would be again.

Liberated a day earlier by American soldiers, he remembers their rage at what they saw. And even if he lives to be a very old man, he will always be grateful to them for that rage, and also for their passion. Though he did not understand their language, their eyes told him what he needed to know -- that they, too, would remember, and bear witness.

And now, I stand before you, Mr. President -- mander-in-Chief of the army that freed me, and tens of thousands of others -- and I am filled with a profound and abiding gratitude to the American people.

Gratitude is a word that I cherish. Gratitude is what defines the humanity of the human being. And I am grateful to you, Hillary -- or Mrs. Clinton -- for what you said, and for what you are doing for children in the world, for the homeless, for the victims of injustice, the victims of destiny and society. And I thank all of you for being here.

We are on the threshold of a new century, a new millennium. What will the legacy of this vanishing century be? How will it be remembered in the new millennium? Surely it will be judged, and judged severely, in both moral and metaphysical terms. These failures have cast a dark shadow over humanity: two World Wars, countless civil wars, the senseless chain of assassinations -- Gandhi, the Kennedys, Martin Luther King, Sadat, Rabin -- bloodbaths in Cambodia and Nigeria, India and Pakistan, Ireland and Rwanda, Eritrea and Ethiopia, Sarajevo and Kosovo; the inhumanity in the gulag and the tragedy of Hiroshima. And, on a different level, of course, Auschwitz and Treblinka. So much violence, so much indifference.

What is indifference? Etymologically, the word means "no difference." A strange and unnatural state in which the lines blur between light and darkness, dusk and dawn, crime and punishment, cruelty and passion, good and evil.

What are its courses and inescapable consequences? Is it a philosophy? Is there a philosophy of indifference conceivable? Can one possibly view indifference as a virtue? Is it necessary at times to practice it simply to keep one's sanity, live normally, enjoy a fine meal and a glass of wine, as the world around us experiences harrowing upheavals?

Of course, indifference can be tempting -- more than that, seductive. It is so much easier to look away from victims. It is so much easier to avoid such rude interruptions to our work, our dreams, our hopes. It is, after all, awkward, troublesome, to be involved in another person's pain and despair. Yet, for the person who is indifferent, his or her neighbor are of no consequence. And, therefore, their lives are meaningless. Their hidden or even visible anguish is of no interest. Indifference reduces the other to an abstraction.

Over there, behind the black gates of Auschwitz, the most tragic of all prisoners were the "Muselmanner," as they were called. Wrapped in their torn blankets, they would sit or lie on the ground, staring vacantly into space, unaware of who or where they were, strangers to their surroundings. They no longer felt pain, hunger, thirst. They feared nothing. They felt nothing. They were dead and did not know it.

Rooted in our tradition, some of us felt that to be abandoned by humanity then was not the ultimate. We felt that to be abandoned by God was worse than to be punished by Him. Better an unjust God than an indifferent one. For us to be ignored by God was a harsher punishment than to be a victim of His anger. Man can live far from God -- not outside God. God is wherever we are. Even in suffering? Even in suffering.

In a way, to be indifferent to that suffering is what makes the human being inhuman. Indifference, after all, is more dangerous than anger and hatred. Anger can at times be creative. One writes a great poem, a great symphony, one does something special for the sake of humanity because one is angry at the injustice that one witnesses. But indifference is never creative. Even hatred at times may elicit a response. You fight it. You denounce it. You disarm it. Indifference elicits no response. Indifference is not a response.

Indifference is not a beginning, it is an end. And, therefore, indifference is always the friend of the enemy, for it benefits the aggressor -- never his victim, whose pain is magnified when he or she feels forgotten. The political prisoner in his cell, the hungry children, the homeless refugees -- not to respond to their plight, not to relieve their solitude by offering them a spark of hope is to exile them from human memory. And in denying their humanity we betray our own.

Indifference, then, is not only a sin, it is a punishment. And this is one of the most important lessons of this outgoing century's wide-ranging experiments in good and evil.

In the place that I e from, society was posed of three simple categories: the killers, the victims, and the bystanders. During the darkest of times, inside the ghettoes and death camps -- and I'm glad that Mrs. Clinton mentioned that we are now memorating that event, that period, that we are now in the Days of Remembrance -- but then, we felt abandoned, forgotten. All of us did.

And our only miserable consolation was that we believed that Auschwitz and Treblinka were closely guarded secrets; that the leaders of the free world did not know what was going on behind those black gates and barbed wire; that they had no knowledge of the war against the Jews that Hitler's armies and their acplices waged as part of the war against the Allies.

If they knew, we thought, surely those leaders would have moved heaven and earth to intervene. They would have spoken out with great outrage and conviction. They would have bombed the railways leading to Birkenau, just the railways, just once.

And now we knew, we learned, we discovered that the Pentagon knew, the State Department knew. And the illustrious occupant of the White House then, who was a great leader -- and I say it with some anguish and pain, because, today is exactly 54 years marking his death -- Franklin Delano Roosevelt died on April the 12th, 1945, so he is very much present to me and to us.

No doubt, he was a great leader. He mobilized the American people and the world, going into battle, bringing hundreds and thousands of valiant and brave soldiers in America to fight fascism, to fight dictatorship, to fight Hitler. And so many of the young people fell in battle. And, nevertheless, his image in Jewish history -- I must say it -- his image in Jewish history is flawed.

The depressing tale of the St. Louis is a case in point. Sixty years ago, its human cargo -- maybe 1,000 Jews -- was turned back to Nazi Germany. And that happened after the Kristallnacht, after the first state sponsored pogrom, with hundreds of Jewish shops destroyed, synagogues burned, thousands of people put in concentration camps. And that ship, which was already on the shores of the United States, was sent back.

I don't understand. Roosevelt was a good man, with a heart. He understood those who needed help. Why didn't he allow these refugees to disembark? A thousand people -- in America, a great country, the greatest democracy, the most generous of all new nations in modern history. What happened? I don't understand. Why the indifference, on the highest level, to the suffering of the victims?

But then, there were human beings who were sensitive to our tragedy. Those non-Jews, those Christians, that we called the "Righteous Gentiles," whose selfless acts of heroism saved the honor of their faith. Why were they so few? Why was there a greater effort to save SS murderers after the war than to save their victims during the war?

Why did some of America's largest corporations continue to do business with Hitler's Germany until 1942? It has been suggested, and it was documented, that the Wehrmacht could not have conducted its invasion of France without oil obtained from American sources. How is one to explain their indifference?

And yet, my friends, good things have also happened in this traumatic century: the defeat of Nazism, the collapse of munism, the rebirth of Israel on its ancestral soil, the demise of apartheid, Israel's peace treaty with Egypt, the peace accord in Ireland. And let us remember the meeting, filled with drama and emotion, between Rabin and Arafat that you, Mr. President, convened in this very place. I was here and I will never forget it.

And then, of course, the joint decision of the United States and NATO to intervene in Kosovo and save those victims, those refugees, those who were uprooted by a man whom I believe that because of his crimes, should be charged with crimes against humanity. But this time, the world was not silent. This time, we do respond. This time, we intervene.

Does it mean that we have learned from the past? Does it mean that society has changed? Has the human being bee less indifferent and more human? Have we really learned from our experiences? Are we less insensitive to the plight of victims of ethnic cleansing and other forms of injustices in places near and far? Is today's justified intervention in Kosovo, led by you, Mr. President, a lasting warning that never again will the deportation, the terrorization of children and their parents be allowed anywhere in the world? Will it discourage other dictators in other lands to do the same?

What about the children? Oh, we see them on television, we read about them in the papers, and we do so with a broken heart. Their fate is always the most tragic, inevitably. When adults wage war, children perish. We see their faces, their eyes. Do we hear their pleas? Do we feel their pain, their agony? Every minute one of them dies of disease, violence, famine. Some of them -- so many of them -- could be saved.

And so, once again, I think of the young Jewish boy from the Carpathian Mountains. He has acpanied the old man I have bee throughout these years of quest and struggle. And together we walk towards the new millennium, carried by profound fear and extraordinary hope.

Elie Wiesel - April 12, 1999